Secret evidence is incompatible with the rule of law

Two recent rul­ings bring up the ques­tion of “secret evi­dence,” that is, evi­dence used against a defen­dant that (for what­ever rea­son) is not revealed to the defense, but is nev­er­the­less used against them. Certainly, the issues can be com­pli­cated, as the U.S. gov­ern­ment is dis­cov­er­ing while attempt­ing to bal­ance national secu­rity inter­ests (includ­ing the poten­tial to com­pro­mise sources, meth­ods of inter­ro­ga­tion, and so on) with suc­cess­ful con­vic­tions. The U.K. gov­ern­ment also strug­gles with the issue as it seeks to pre­vent poten­tial ter­ror­ist attacks.

The first rul­ing came in fed­eral court in the United States as a dis­trict court judge ruled against the Administration’s attempt to restrict defense access to information:

Senior U.S. District Judge Thomas F. Hogan has turned down a request by the Obama Administration to restrict lawyers’ access — in vir­tu­ally all remain­ing Guantanamo Bay cases — to the files the Administration’s deten­tion task force is assem­bling on every pris­oner remain­ing at the Navy prison in Cuba.

via SCOTUSblog.

The sec­ond rul­ing is from the U.K., and came down as a unan­i­mous deci­sion by nine law lords restrict­ing the use of secret evi­dence in so-​​called “con­trol orders” (a form of pre­ven­ta­tive house arrest):

The men, who have been held under vir­tual house arrest under the Government’s con­trol order régime, won the unan­i­mous back­ing of a panel of nine law lords, on the grounds that the sus­pects did not know what they were accused of or what evi­dence was being used against them.

via the Times Online.

The U.K. gov­ern­ment argues that they have processes in place to pre­vent abuse of the sys­tem, but that the sen­si­tive nature of the evi­dence, com­bined with the seri­ous­ness of the ter­ror­ist threat, jus­ti­fies the use of secret evidence.

The law lords disagreed:

Lord Phillips of Worth Matravers, the senior law lord, said: “A trial pro­ce­dure can never be con­sid­ered fair if a party to it is kept in igno­rance of the case against him.”

The eight other lords agreed. “The prin­ci­ple that the accused has a right to know what is being alleged against him has a long pedi­gree. … The fun­da­men­tal prin­ci­ple is that every­one is enti­tled to the dis­clo­sure of suf­fi­cient mate­r­ial to enable him to answer effec­tively the case that is made against him,” Lord Hope said.

This is exactly my begin­ning posi­tion. As a foun­da­tional propo­si­tion, a jus­tice sys­tem based on the rule of law is incom­pat­i­ble with the use of secret evi­dence. Such evi­dence under­mines our adver­sar­ial legal process, includ­ing fun­da­men­tal rights like due process and the right to con­front wit­nesses. Similar abuses of the English legal sys­tem, on which the American sys­tem in based, led directly to the Bill of Rights in 1789, and con­tributed to the desire of American colonists to sep­a­rate from England.

Nonetheless, despite this, I might be con­vinced that such evi­dence could have an appli­ca­tion in the inves­ti­ga­tory process, or even in short-​​term pre­ven­ta­tive deten­tion to pre­vent immi­nent threats or to gather evi­dence that can be used in court. But beyond that lim­ited use, secret evi­dence pro­vides the exec­u­tive branch with too much power, a posi­tion both lib­er­als and con­ser­v­a­tives can, I believe, under­stand and sup­port — despite the ten­dency for each side to oppose exec­u­tive power only when the other side is in power.

I can also envi­sion a poten­tial sys­tem that seeks to limit the expo­sure of such evi­dence by restrict­ing who can see it and eval­u­ate it. Evidence does not need to be made avail­able openly to the pub­lic (although this is the ideal, since it pro­vides the great­est pro­tec­tion against abuse — but then again, the pub­lic does not always use such infor­ma­tion respon­si­bly). But evi­dence must be revealed at least to the defense so that a proper case can be mounted and ques­tions can be asked. This is how our adver­sar­ial sys­tem func­tions and, while imper­fect, the sys­tem is bet­ter than alternatives.

Perhaps a mil­i­tary com­mis­sion sys­tem is the right way to bal­ance these con­cerns, since our tra­di­tional sys­tem is sim­ply not set up to han­dle the lim­ited release of sen­si­tive infor­ma­tion to defense coun­sel and no one else. Certainly I have grown to have great respect for the abil­ity of mil­i­tary lawyers to act as defense coun­sel, despite the neg­a­tive impact on careers that occurred in the last 8 years to those who did so. A lawyer has an eth­i­cal duty to the law and to his or her client. And mil­i­tary attor­neys have more than lived up to this eth­i­cal duty.

Regardless of the approach, I believe that while the use of secret evi­dence may be accept­able ini­tially (as part of an inves­ti­ga­tion or short-​​term deten­tion while more evi­dence is gath­ered), the defense needs access to this evi­dence. Without it, any trial or legal process is sim­ply unfair.

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